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Freedom
it is so important
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Pamphlet 4
Substitute political party representation by constituency representation
Gaining a free voting Parliment of the will of the people.
The Concern
Recent analysis shows that whereas there are laws to restrict the formation of monopolies in economic sectors our system of governance permits a tiny private organization in the form of a political party to gain the monopoly control over the British economy and in particular over the public sector accounting for 40% of the economy. The problem is that the disproportionate Parliamentary majorities gained on the basis of minority electorate support (19%) the political party "winning" an election effectively controls all substantive decisions. Such a monpoly position over the National economy is unacceptable when the Parliament cannot influence decisions.
Analysis
In the recent publications, "The Briton's Quest for Freedom - Our unfinished journey" 1 under the Chapter of Sovereignty and subtitle: 5. Economic Activity Monopoly, it is stated"
"This process of concentration of power in the hands of political party operatives has continued, it would seem, with no clear legal basis. It has culminated in political parties, as small private organizations, using general elections to secure the monopoly of running the state with direct access to the state budget.
Monopolies are evil
The dangers of private monopolies are well established and self-evident. Like any uncontrolled administration, monopolies tend to manage their affairs through self-serving arbitrary decisions harming the interests of the people. This is why in most areas of social organization, and in particular the economy, there is a proactive desire to monitor economic activities to prevent the formation of monopolies. Thus the Competition Commission2 will review the potential harm of any private group whose investments seem to be increasing their control over the management of a single economic sub-sector. Similarly at the European level trust-busting aims at controlling monopolies by overseeing corporate mergers and takeovers involving large national commercial concerns.
The biggest absolute monopoly in the United Kingdom
The British economy represents a production of around £1.4 trillion. This is more than 30 times the size of the whole manufacturing sector, let alone other sub-sectors where there may be active concern about monopolies. Under the British political system, the governance of the country, as well as the control of the management of the whole economy of £1.4 trillion, is handed over to a tiny political party. Such private groups, with insignificant management experience, also gain the direct management responsibility for a government sector of £590 billion making up some 40% of the gross national product, on the basis of a monopoly. It is evident that Parliament has no means to control executive excesses in the management of this monopoly. The decision taken as to who is given the management of this monopoly is not based upon a very carefully planned selection of managers reviewing their experience and a track record of competence. This selection is made through our haphazard and completely inefficient and non-representative general election system. This is clearly as wrong as it is unacceptable.
Forget Clause IV - this is more serious
Anthony Crosland's observation than Clause IV3 was irrelevant because those who manage the economy have more control explains why Labour's "Clause IV moment" was no more than a sleight of hand4. With pro-forma budgetary planning and a sufficiently centralized economy, governments achieve a far greater degree of control over the production of goods and services than Clause IV could ever have achieved. As has been described, political parties use this to lever their own party power. Political parties opposing Clause IV in the past considered it to be a usurpation of the right of the private sector to manage the economy. But the same political parties consider it to be their own preserve to control directly some 40% of the national economy on the basis of a private monopoly for their own political party through centralized policies if they become the government party. This illustrates a self-serving double standard." |
Proposition
It is necessary to remove the dominance of control over the political affairs of this country by political parties by requiring that candidates who wish to act as British constituency representatives in Parliament should not represent nor be members of of any political organization which will seek to influence the voting intentions of constituency representatives in Parliament. In the sense of upholding the imperative of defending individual freedom of expression, all representatives should always be free voting in the sense of only reprsenting the interests of their constituents and therfore making every effort to take into account the wishes of their constituents. By taking into account the other Proposition at the General Assembly entitled:
| "A Parliament of the will of the people" and which concerns the need to make Parliament relevant by: (1) separating the power of Government from the power of a free voting Parliament, and (2) outlawing any other influences over the voting intention of Parliamentarians other than that of constituency wishes." |
it will be possible to secure a less corruptable management of the economic affairs of the country by removing it from the control of any political party and to make all decisions subject to the vote of a Parliament representing the free will of the people.
Submitted by E-Mancipation, 27th November, 2007
1 "The Briton's Quest for Freedom - Our unfinished journey." McNeill, H.W., July, 2007, Hambrook Publishing Company, ISBN: 978-0-907833-01-7
2 The Competition Commission is an independent public body established by the Competition Act 1998. It replaced the Monopolies and Mergers Commission on 1 April 1999.
3 As explained in "The Briton's Quest for Freedom - Our unfinished journey." McNeill, H.W., July, 2007, Hambrook Publishing Company, ISBN: 978-0-907833-01-7, Clause IV was drafted by Sidney Webb of the Fabians in November 1917 and adopted by the Labour party in 1918, and read, in part 4: "To secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible upon the basis of the common ownership of the means of production, distribution, and exchange, and the best obtainable system of popular administration and control of each industry or service."
4 This is explained in detail in Chapter 14 "The Power Strategy" in "The Briton's Quest for Freedom - Our unfinished journey." McNeill, H.W., July, 2007, Hambrook Publishing Company, ISBN: 978-0-907833-01-7, where the original concepts leading to New Labour tactics are shown to have been published as early as 1956 and where Clause IV was pointed out, at that time, to be largely irrelevant and was then turned into a strategy starting in 1987 in a collaboration between Neil Kinnock and the New Marxists.
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